II.

Growing Divisions

Conservative social values and religious beliefs had long characterized Spanish society. In some regions, wealthy classes monopolized the land, while peasants often had difficulty growing enough food to eat. For centuries Roman Catholicism had been the official religion of Spain, and the church had been an important force in Spanish government. The church exercised considerable influence over education and freedom of expression. Some clergy held seats in the senate, a division of Spain’s parliament, the Cortes. Many Spaniards felt the church had too much political power and wealth.

Following the Spanish-American War (1898), Spain lost the remainder of its once-great empire. The United States won control of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines, while Cuba gained its independence from Spain. This defeat increased dissatisfaction, and demands for change grew. However, people disagreed on the changes needed, and Spanish politics became dominated by factions. New political parties appeared that favored a republican form of government; labor movements throughout the country advocated more workers’ rights and industrial reforms; and the Basques and Catalans wanted autonomy for the Basque Country and Catalonia. In addition, conflict grew within the traditional Liberal and Conservative parties that had dominated Spain between 1876 and 1923.

A.

Primo de Rivera’s Regime

The growing political turmoil led to a military coup in September 1923. Following the coup, Spain’s king, Alfonso XIII, made General Miquel Primo de Rivera, head of the government. Primo de Rivera’s authoritarian regime suppressed far-left groups and allowed moderate-left parties to operate only under the watchful eye of his administration. In addition, the government stripped the few home-rule privileges that had been given to Catalonia, a region that identified itself ethnically and linguistically as Catalan rather than Spanish.

Opposition to Primo de Rivera grew, especially after the onset of economic hard times of worldwide depression in 1929, when he lost support among the middle and working classes. By early 1930 Primo de Rivera acknowledged his increasing unpopularity with factions across Spain’s political spectrum, and he was soon forced to resign. Support for Spain’s monarch also evaporated because many people felt Alfonso had betrayed them when he approved Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship.

Parties in favor of a republican form of government defeated monarchist parties in the elections of April 1931, and King Alfonso was forced to leave the country. His departure paved the way for the establishment of a republican form of government, which the majority of Spaniards greeted enthusiastically. This was the beginning of the government called the Second Republic.

B.

The Second Republic

During the republic’s first two years, a multiparty coalition of socialists and middle-class republicans dominated the government. The largest parties wanted sweeping changes in Spain’s social, political, and economic institutions. They took special aim at the military and the Catholic Church, two major institutions that had for many years enjoyed privileged positions in Spanish society. Many of the republican reforms centered on restructuring the military and reducing the church’s power. The reforms included legalizing divorce, which had been illegal under Catholic Spain; ending the church’s role in education; and reducing the size of the officer corps.

In addition, the government proposed economic reforms. These included seizing land from elite landowners and redistributing it to peasants in order to address the problems of migrant labor and high unemployment in agricultural areas. These reforms threatened Spain’s wealthy classes who controlled most of the country’s land and industry.

Such sweeping reforms angered conservatives. The Catholic Church was hostile to the government’s attempts to reduce its power, and many Spaniards who saw themselves and their country as fundamentally Catholic supported the church. In addition, the efforts of civilian politicians to reform the military stirred resentment; some officers began plotting to overthrow the Second Republic.

C.

The Spanish Right

By the end of 1932 the changes introduced by the leftist coalition had generated a wave of right-wing opposition. Some, like the collection of Catholic parties known as the Spanish-Confederation of Autonomous Rightist Groups (Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas, CEDA), were willing to challenge the government by legal means, but others were not. Parties on the far right believed that the Second Republic should be overthrown and replaced by an authoritarian form of government.

Members of a group known as the Alfonsine monarchists wanted to set up a military-backed monarchy headed by the deposed king, Alfonso XIII. A group called the Carlists wanted to restore the monarchy under a descendant of Don Carlos Maria Isidro de Borbón, who they felt should have inherited the Spanish throne in the mid-19th century.

Another group fiercely opposed to the Second Republic was the Falange, a political party that supported fascism, the idea that people should give priority to the interests of and service to the state under the leadership of a dictator. During 1933 and 1934 an assortment of profascist groups merged under Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, son of Miguel Primo de Rivera. This political party sought to create a totalitarian Spanish state modeled after Fascist Italy under Benito Mussolini and Nazi Germany under Adolf Hitler. None of these groups—the Falangists, Alfonsines, or Carlists—attracted a large following before 1936, but their activities undermined the authority of the republican government, and collectively they helped to polarize political life in Spain.

D.

The Spanish Left

The Spanish left included six major parties that were important during the civil war. These parties advocated a broad range of political philosophies—from anarchism to socialism to Marxism—and often disagreed with each other.

The anarchists opposed all forms of government and advocated individual freedom (Anarchism). Some anarchists formed large associations with syndicalists who advocated the control of all social and economic institutions by trade unions, thereby putting political and economic power in the hands of workers (Syndicalism). The anarcho-syndicalists, as these groups were called, were absolutely opposed to government of all kinds. The most important of these organizations were the National Confederation of Labor (Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, CNT) and its militant affiliate, the Iberian Anarchist Federation (Federación Anarquista Ibérica, FAI). These associations enjoyed significant support among the working class.

During the years leading up to the civil war, several different Marxist organizations were established. They were based on the teachings of German political philosopher Karl Marx, who advocated creating a classless society through a working-class revolution. The two main Marxist parties were the Spanish Communist Party (Partido Comunista de España, PCE) formed in 1921, and the Unified Marxist Workers' Party (Partido Obrero de Unificación Marxista, POUM) established in 1935. The two parties had very different approaches to Marxism. The PCE maintained strong alliances with the Soviet Communist Party and the Comintern (Communist International), and it followed orders from officials of those groups. The POUM was organized as an alternative Marxist party that had no allegiance to the USSR; it generally opposed Soviet leader Joseph Stalin. These differences caused bitter opposition between the two groups.

The most important socialist group was the Spanish Socialist Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español, PSOE) and its trade union affiliate, the General Union of Workers (Unión General de Trabajadores, UGT). Although this group based its philosophy on Marxism, they espoused socialism, advocating state control of natural resources, basic industries, banking and credit facilities, and public utilities. They also believed that a socialist society would be a classless one where workers would not be exploited.

During the years of the Second Republic, the tensions and divisions between these leftist parties prevented the left from presenting a united front against their common enemies on the right.

These parties varied in importance during the prewar period. The most important component of the coalition government under the Second Republic was the combined socialist PSOE-UGT. Smaller pro-republic parties also joined the coalition, but no party had as much influence as the socialists did. The Communist PCE was originally too insignificant to shape government policy, but during the civil war the PCE received the backing of the USSR and gained influence and power. On the far left, the anarcho-syndicalist CNT and FAI were large organizations with considerable influence among the working class, especially in areas such as Catalonia and Andalucía. However, their anarchist beliefs kept them from participating in the government. Although the Marxist, anti-Soviet POUM had only a few thousands members, it had far greater influence than its size would indicate because of charismatic and renowned leaders, such as Andreu Nin.

E.

Turmoil and Conspiracy

After two years of rule, the left coalition that led the Second Republic lost the general elections of 1933. Spain’s government then shifted sharply to the right, at about the same time that Adolf Hitler became Germany’s chancellor. As fascism triumphed in Germany, many feared it would also succeed in Spain. At first the conservative ruling parties moved cautiously in their attempts to roll back the social changes begun under the left coalition. But the left-wing parties, alarmed by the rise of fascism in Europe, interpreted the right’s actions as direct assaults on the foundations of the republic.

Many on the Spanish left came to believe that revolution was the only defense against the right. This was especially true of the anarcho-syndicalist CNT and FAI. These groups were not committed to saving the Second Republic, which they saw as a vehicle for their political enemies within the left.

The hostility between the left and right sharpened between 1932 and 1935. During this time, Spain experienced a series of revolutionary uprisings, military conspiracies, and general strikes. Against this background, the future of the republic became ever more uncertain.

An October 1934 strike was indicative of the level of hostility among the Spanish political factions. In the northern region of Asturias a group of miners revolted against the conservative government’s attempts to dismantle leftist reforms. The miners captured most of Oviedo, the capital of Asturias and occupied its factories. The government crushed the Asturias rebellion and imprisoned at least 30,000 leftists throughout Spain, even in areas where no rebellion had occurred.

The situation spurred the Spanish Communist Party (PCE) to build alliances with the antifascist parties of the middle class. The new PCE strategy was a complete turnaround; the party abandoned its radical revolutionary ideals and embraced a moderate, prodemocratic line. This about-face worsened the ideological divisions between the PCE and the POUM, which still advocated revolution.

Other groups on the Spanish left were also searching to broaden left-wing alliances. Most groups recognized that a divided left could not effectively resist the right. This led to the announcement in January 1936 of a leftist alliance called the Popular Front. This alliance included not only the republicans and the socialists from the coalition government of 1931 to 1933, but also other parties on the Spanish left.

The Spanish Popular Front differed from popular front parties in other European countries. The Spanish Popular Front was not led by the Comintern (Communist International), nor was it created as a vehicle to promote Communism. The PCE, the Spanish Communist party that supported the Comintern, was not significant enough at the time to help define the Spanish Popular Front’s goals and policies. The Popular Front’s main purpose was to counter the growth of the Spanish right, particularly by challenging them in the elections of February 1936.

The Popular Front’s narrow victory at the polls created euphoria on the left, which briefly concealed the great differences among the various antifascist parties. In the following months, however, the fragile bonds holding the Popular Front together dissolved. It was a deeply divided Spanish left that would soon confront a revolution and a civil war.

F.

Eve of Military Rebellion

After the Popular Front won the 1936 elections, it formed a government with Manuel Azaña as prime minister. Azaña was also named president of the Second Republic in May 1936. However, his government lacked the popular support it needed to rule effectively because influential factions within the socialist parties (the PSOE-UGT) were unwilling to participate in his government. They had supported the Popular Front during the elections only because they believed that a Popular Front victory promised greater civil liberties and amnesty for thousands of left-wing political prisoners.

Opposing forces within Spain that had been gaining momentum since 1931 began to spiral out of control. Factional strife within parties and confrontations between opposing political groups occurred with increasing frequency. In addition, rumors of an impending military coup began to spread.

Hoping to diffuse the situation, Azaña transferred several anti-republican generals away from the country’s centers of power. General Francisco Franco was relieved of his post in Madrid as chief of staff and was sent to the Canary Islands; General Manuel Goded was dispatched to the Balearic Islands; and General Emilio Mola was assigned to Pamplona, the heartland of Carlist territory. General José Sanjurjo had already been banished to Portugal after leading a failed coup attempt in 1932.

Despite these efforts, a small group of army generals and right-wing politicians began plotting to overthrow the republic. The main conspirators belonged to the Spanish Military Union (Unión Militar Española, UME), a special military organization that had developed during 1933 and 1934. Historically, the army had seen itself as the defender of the official Spanish government, as long as the government was selected legitimately. However, the UME began to feel that the republic under the Popular Front coalition was no longer able to maintain law and order and that a coup by far-left revolutionaries was inevitable. By early 1936, many within the UME viewed their organization as an instrument to prevent a left-wing revolution by carrying out their own right-wing coup.

In March 1936 the UME had a membership of only about 3500 officers. The military leaders recognized that their plan to set up an authoritarian state would succeed only if they had civilian support. Therefore, they established ties with right-wing groups, including the Alphonsine monarchists, Carlist paramilitary troops, and the Falangist militia squads.

At this point, however, only a few generals were willing to assume an active role in the conspiracy. Chief among them was General Mola, a former national police chief. He assumed responsibility for organizing the national movement and making certain that even the most remote provincial garrisons supported the conspiracy. In May, General Sanjurjo agreed to become the nominal head of the revolt. General Franco, perhaps Spain’s most highly regarded military figure, committed himself to the rebellion only days before the uprising.

The military plot began to unfold as conflict in Spain grew. Throughout the country the dialogue between left and right had broken down, and compromise and restraint seemed hopeless as political violence increased. On April 13 a series of murders began when a judge who had recently sentenced a Falangist to 30 years in prison for killing a socialist newsboy was shot in Madrid. The following day a group of socialists killed a Civil Guard lieutenant in retaliation. Two months later right-wing and left-wing politicians argued bitterly in the Cortes, the Spanish parliament.

The events that triggered the coup began on July 12 when three Falangists murdered Lieutenant José Castillo, a pro-republican officer in the Assault Guards, a government paramilitary group. Later that night, in the early hours of July 13th, Assault Guards in uniform went to the home of José Calvo Sotelo, an anti-republican leader of an Alfonsine monarchist group. They murdered him in a police truck and dumped his body at a nearby cemetery. News of his death moved the conspirators to set their plans in motion. Four days later the military rebellion began.