IV.

Diplomatic Conventions

The modes and conventions of diplomacy are highly stylized and formal. Language always tends toward understatement, and emotion-charged words are taboo. The etiquette and manners of diplomatic meetings are carefully prescribed. The privileges and immunities of diplomats are found in conventions and treaties that have evolved over a long period. Whenever etiquette is breached, a diplomatic “rebuff” occurs. Although this formality and ceremony has an air of make-believe, it serves a practical purpose: It allows diplomats to deal with issues of war and peace in a calm and unemotional manner. In the tense hours of crisis, a cool head, tact, and good humor are necessary.

A.

Protocol

Detailed and universally accepted conventions exist concerning most of the formal ways in which countries interact. In the early days of the nation-state system, the departure of an ambassador was a ceremonial event, as was the ambassador's reception by a head of state.

Because ambassadors personally represent the heads of their governments, the relations among ambassadors within a country have always involved issues of prestige. Thus, such details as where an ambassador rode in a procession or which ambassador entered a room first assumed great significance.

Such issues plagued European courts until they were resolved at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 and the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818 and, more recently, at the Vienna meetings to draft a Convention on Diplomatic Relations in 1961. As a result of these meetings, diplomats were divided into three classes: (1) ambassadors, legates, and papal nuncios who are always accredited to heads of state; (2) envoys, ministers, and other persons accredited to heads of state; and (3) chargés d'affaires who are accredited to ministers of foreign affairs. Only members of the first class represent their nation's leader. Precedence among representatives in a capital is now based on seniority within its diplomatic corps. The most senior member of that corps is designated the doyen, or dean. The doyen usually represents the entire diplomatic corps at ceremonial functions and in matters of diplomatic privileges and immunities. The most concise digest of the protocol of diplomacy is the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, consisting of 53 short articles completed under UN auspices.

B.

Privileges and Immunities

From the earliest times, privileges, immunities, and courtesies were extended to visiting heralds and envoys. Currently the privileges and immunities of diplomats are highly developed and universally accepted.

For centuries, the territory on which a foreign mission stood was considered an “island of sovereignty” of the home state. Under the Vienna Convention of 1961 this is no longer the case. The premises of missions are inviolable, however, and host states must accord full facilities to enable diplomatic missions to perform their functions. Citizens of the host state may not enter a mission without the consent of its senior official. Missions are immune from search, requisition, and attachment, and nations have a special duty to protect any mission against intrusion or damage. This long-accepted principle was violated in Iran in November 1979, when a group of Iranians invaded the U.S. Embassy and held some 50 staff members hostage for 14 months.

Free communication between the mission and the host government must be permitted. Diplomatic couriers may not be detained, and diplomatic bags may not be opened or detained. Host governments must also secure these rights against their own citizens if necessary.

Diplomatic agents and their staffs are not liable to any form of arrest or detention; diplomats are immune from criminal laws and, in most cases, from civil and administrative jurisdiction as well. They are exempt from all direct taxes in the host state. Immunity from the laws of a host state does not exempt diplomats from the laws and jurisdiction of their home states, however. Those who commit crimes are almost always sent home as personae non gratae. Diplomats enjoying their privileges and immunities are duty bound to respect the laws and regulations of the host state and to refrain from interfering in its internal affairs.

In the event of war, the host state must grant facilities to enable diplomats from belligerent nations to leave the country. If diplomatic relations are broken off with another nation, the host state must still respect and protect the mission premises. When relations are broken off, the countries in question usually entrust the custody of their missions and interests to some third party acceptable to both.

C.

Language of Diplomacy

Until the 17th century, Latin was the language of diplomacy because it was the universal language of all educated Europeans. From the 17th century on, however, French increasingly became the language of diplomacy because of the preeminence of France in Europe, the precision of the language, and its use as the “court language” throughout Europe.

The U.S. entry into World War I marked the rise of English as a second language of diplomacy. During the interwar period, the records of the League of Nations were kept in English and French. After World War II, the framers of the UN sought to create a five-language system. Simultaneous translations of French, English, Russian, Spanish, and Chinese take place at all meetings. Most UN documents, however, are published only in French, English, and Spanish. When treaties or conventions are drafted, the parties designate one language—usually French or English—as the basis for any discussions about meanings or interpretations.

D.

Diplomatic Negotiations

Although negotiations have traditionally been left to professional diplomats, very important negotiations are increasingly being undertaken by specially selected envoys or foreign ministers and by heads of state. Recent examples of this trend were the “shuttle diplomacy” of the U.S. secretary of state Henry Kissinger in the Middle East and President Jimmy Carter's personal involvement in negotiating a peace treaty between the Egyptian president Anwar al-Sadat and the Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin. Resident diplomats, however, still do almost all the day-to-day negotiating and interacting with leaders of other states.

The problem of deciding what practices and tactics are most effective in negotiating is difficult. The German American political scientist Hans J. Morgenthau in his book Politics Among Nations (1948) perhaps best summed up the ideal of modern diplomacy: (1) Diplomacy must be divested of its crusading spirit; (2) the objectives of foreign policy must be defined in terms of the national interest and must be supported with adequate power; (3) diplomacy must look at the situation from the point of view of other nations; (4) nations must be willing to compromise on all issues that are not vital to them; (5) the armed forces are the instrument of foreign policy, not its master; and (6) the government is the leader of public opinion, not its slave.

See also International Law.