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Spanish Civil War

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Republican Troops in BattleRepublican Troops in Battle
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D

Republican Centralization

Although the Republicans had control of much of Spain, they struggled to overcome their differences and consolidate their control. Immediately following the July military uprising, pro-republic parties remained in charge of the Popular Front government, although real power had shifted to the working-class organizations and civilian groups who had helped defeat the rebellion in the Republican zone. In recognition of their loss of support, the middle-class republican parties of the Popular Front allowed the socialists and their political allies to take over the government in September. The main objective of the new socialist regime was to curb the social revolution and restore the state’s authority throughout the Republican zone.

Under the guidance of the Soviet Communists, the PCE took the lead in defining the Republicans’ political agenda for the republic. They promoted the idea—both inside Spain and abroad—that the war was being fought not to advance a left-wing social revolution, but to defend the democratic Second Republic against fascism. Their relatively moderate message appealed to a wide audience, particularly to the middle-class Republicans who felt threatened by the social revolution. To challenge the authority of their rivals within the coalition, the PCE set about dominating the haphazard Republican military and centralizing the powers of the Republican government.

Once the rebellion had been subdued in many areas, the Republican government’s major challenge was to assemble an effective army. Many senior army officers and roughly half of the enlisted men had remained loyal to the Second Republic, but the army itself was in a state of disruption. The rebellion had shattered its internal chain of command, and independent civilian militias had diminished its authority.

Although the independent civilian militias had prevented the military uprising from succeeding in many areas, the fact that they operated independently of one another caused problems. Because individual militias paid little attention to the actions or needs of other units, it was nearly impossible to coordinate military actions among groups. This lack of cooperation sometimes resulted in anti-Nationalist groups mistakenly targeting each other in battle. In addition, some civilians initially refused to work under the guidelines of standard military procedure. These factors made conventional warfare difficult for the Republicans.



Among the Republicans, the PCE became the main force in organizing a military force with a unified command based on hierarchy and discipline. They called this force the Popular Army. The PCE also acted as the channel through which the USSR sent the Republicans shipments of supplies and military equipment in October 1936. This support reinforced the PCE’s attempt to dominate Republican military affairs.

That same month the first units of the International Brigades, a volunteer army organized by the Comintern, arrived in Spain. The International Brigades were made up of men and women from countries around the world. Although their backgrounds and political beliefs were diverse, all went to Spain because they believed that they could help stop the spread of fascism. From the time they arrived until the last unit left Spain in November 1938, the International Brigades played an important role in nearly every major military campaign of the war.

E

Franco’s Rise to Power

The International Brigades and aid from the USSR arrived at a critical point for the Republicans. The Nationalist army, which was much better equipped and trained than the Republican forces, was scoring military victories in nearly every corner of the country. The Republicans were struggling to stop their advances. The Nationalists were also more united than the Republicans. Although various Nationalist civilian parties had different opinions about Spain's political future, they all accepted military leadership throughout the civil war. In late July, shortly after the war began, the National Defense Committee (Junta de Defensa Nacional) was established to coordinate the Nationalists’ war effort.

In September 1936, only two months into the war, the Nationalists were at the point of taking Madrid. Then General Franco, who was leading the campaign, made an unexpected decision. Instead of marching on the capital, Franco decided to rescue about 1300 rebel troops trapped in the fortress of Toledo’s Alcázar, a medieval palace-fortress that served as an infantry training school. Although the building had been partially destroyed by Republican shelling, the rebels refused to surrender. On September 27 Nationalist forces, including some of Franco’s troops, took control of the Alcázar and freed the rebels.

Although the decision likely prevented the Nationalists from seizing Madrid, Franco used the victory at the Alcázar to strengthen his growing leadership of the rebel cause. At the end of September, the junta decided to consolidate authority under one leader, and they chose General Franco, the most highly regarded Nationalist general. On September 29 Franco was named Generalísimo (commander in chief) of the Nationalist troops, as well as el Caudillo (the leader), head of Nationalist Spain.

As the war continued, Franco united the Nationalist groups. In April 1937 he merged all of the separate Nationalist parties into a single party under his control, the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS, or FET/JONS. Franco also began to build what he called the Nuevo Estado (New State). Although he did not formally define the Nuevo Estado as fascist, its main structures incorporated many fascist ideas and principles. For example, the Cortes was abolished, and universal voting rights and the right to strike were eliminated.

F

First Battle for Madrid

Although the military uprising began July 17, Franco's troops did not reach the outskirts of Madrid until early November because of their role in saving Toledo’s Alcázar. Almost everyone, including the Republican government, believed the city would soon fall to the Nationalists. On November 6 Francisco Largo Caballero, who had become prime minister in September, and his cabinet retreated to the more distant Republican-held city of Valencia, leaving Madrid’s defense in the hands of a provisional body known as the Defense Council (Junta de Defensa).

Although they faced overwhelming odds, the citizens of Madrid prepared for the attack. Civilian groups organized work battalions to dig trenches and fortify the city's defenses. Messages broadcast on the radio and banners emblazoned with slogans such as “They shall not pass!” (¡No Pasaran!) encouraged the defenders. The arrival of Soviet arms on November 8 and the aid of the International Brigades further boosted the morale of Madrid’s Republicans.

Once the battle began some of the fiercest fighting took place in and around the area of University City, where units of the Republican army reinforced by the International Brigades held Madrid against Franco's troops. The fighting continued until mid-January 1937, when Franco realized the Nationalists could not take Madrid and abandoned the offensive. The defense of Madrid became one of the most legendary struggles of the civil war.

IV

Civil War, 1937

After the Nationalist assault on Madrid reached a standstill in early 1937, Franco decided to mount a series of operations that would allow his troops to encircle the city. However, this new initiative also failed when the Battle of Jarama, which began on February 6, ended in a stalemate. Although the Republican army and the International Brigades suffered great losses, the battle represented a defensive victory for the Republicans. In addition, one month later, Republican troops halted a Nationalist attack led by the Italians at Guadalajara.

A

Guernica and the North

Frustrated with the progress of the war in and around Madrid, Franco turned his attention to the northern front. During the spring of 1937 the Nationalists launched a massive offensive in the Basque Country and Spain’s other northern provinces. During this campaign one of the most controversial episodes of the war occurred. On April 26 a squadron of German aircraft, sent on orders of the Nationalist high command, bombed the small market town of Guernica, the ancient capital of the Basque homeland. During the raid, about 900 innocent civilians were killed or injured. In a few hours Guernica was reduced to a heap of smoldering rubble.

The international press broadcast news of the event around the world. Franco's government was immediately blamed for the tragedy. In response, Franco's press corps vehemently denied Nationalist involvement in the incident, insisting instead that what they called Republican 'red revolutionaries' were responsible. However, the scandal continued to haunt Franco and the Nationalists, not least because renowned Spanish artist Pablo Picasso immortalized the tragedy in Guernica (1937, Centro de Arte Reina Sofía, Madrid, Spain), which many critics regard to be his most famous painting.

After the destruction of Guernica, the Nationalists continued their advances in the Basque Country. By June Bilbao, the capital of the province of Vizcaya, was the only key city still holding out. But with the port to the city blockaded and supplies rapidly running out, the citizens of Bilbao were forced to surrender on June 19. Soon, the remaining Republican pockets of Basque territory fell under Nationalist control.

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