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Article Outline
Introduction; The Late Pleistocene; Establishing a Pleistocene Presence in the Americas; Clovis-First Theory; Challenges to Clovis-First; The First Americans: Alternative Theories; Linguistic and Genetic Studies of Native Americans; Tracing American Ancestry: Legal Challenges; The Future of First American Studies
Since the 1980s there has been increasing skepticism about the traditional view that Clovis groups were dependent on big-game hunting. Despite many years of searching, few Clovis archaeological sites have yielded evidence to support this view. The San Pedro Valley sites have proved to be the exception, not the rule. There are scarcely a dozen Clovis big-game kill sites known, mostly in western North America, with two possible kill sites in eastern North America. These contain the skeletal remains of just two of the Pleistocene megafauna—mammoth and mastodon. Clovis people did kill big game, but apparently not as often as once supposed.
A broader view of Clovis subsistence now suggests that they often targeted slower, smaller, less dangerous prey. The roasted remains of turtles, for example, have been found at many sites, including Aubrey and Lewisville in Texas, Little Salt Spring in Florida, and even at the original Clovis site in New Mexico. Other sites indicate that the diet in Clovis times included small- and medium-sized mammals, such as beaver, snowshoe hare, and caribou, as well as fish and a variety of gathered plants.
Over time, it also became clear that the Pleistocene overkill hypothesis was not strongly supported by the archaeological record. Archaeologists have yet to document a single Clovis sloth kill, horse kill, camel kill, or a kill of any of the other several dozen megafaunal species. Whatever caused the extinction of these animals, it was not human hunting. Scientists are currently pursuing alternative hypotheses to explain megafaunal extinctions, such as the possibility they were caused by late Pleistocene climatic and environmental change, or perhaps disease. The puzzle remains unsolved.
A revised view of Clovis subsistence coincides with a reevaluation of the Clovis toolkit. Analysis of Clovis spearpoints shows they were adequate weapons for bringing down big game, but they were not always used that way. Few spearpoints show the kinds of damage that routinely occurs when stone projectiles meet animal bone. Clovis points, like many items in the Clovis toolkit, were most likely used as multipurpose tools; many spearpoints show wear patterns indicating they were used as knives. There is also more variety in the Clovis toolkit than traditionally supposed. Clovis groups in different areas occasionally fashioned tools needed for particular tasks in the environments in which they found themselves. In addition, they probably made tools—perhaps wooden digging sticks or woven plant fiber nets with which to catch fish or small game—that have not been preserved from that remote time. A varied, multipurpose toolkit is to be expected of groups that hunt and gather a range of foods.
If they were not pursuing wide-ranging big game, why were Clovis groups moving such great distances across the landscape? The answer may be exploration. Hunter-gatherer peoples need to know where to go when resources in one location begin to diminish, as animals are hunted out or flee and as available plants are gathered up. For colonizers in an unfamiliar landscape, that means ranging widely across newly discovered lands to see what resources occur where, when, and in what abundance. Not knowing where they might encounter stone to refurbish their tools on their journeys, it is not surprising that Clovis explorers selected only the highest quality stone for their toolkits, or that they left caches of tools along their way—as the cache in Colorado demonstrates. They could return to the caches to replace diminished supplies without having to walk all the way back to a distant stone quarry.
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© 2008 Microsoft
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